As James (1962) notes in his chapter on native reactions and acquired reactions, “you may take a child to the schoolroom, but you cannot make him learn the new things you wish to impart, except by soliciting him in the first instance by something which natively makes him react” (p. 20). This idea is connected to behaviorism in terms of how the teacher analyzes the child’s native behavior as a means of determining how it must be modified to elicit the desired response in the form of habits and acquired reactions.
Perhaps one of the more important goals of behaviorism is the automation of many of our behaviors through the formation of habits and further refining of our unconscious reactions. Bargh and Chartrand (1999) note that this automation is necessary in order to free up our minds for other tasks that require conscious thought and decision. As we continue to learn, further automation makes processes that once required much thought and energy more effortless, which then allows us to dedicate that energy to higher level functioning. This concept of automation can be difficult to accept, especially when you consider it in terms of measures like the Implicit Associations Test, which can demonstrate the unconscious biases we have developed as a result of these automations over time. No one wants to admit they are biased, but at the same time, we cannot deny that automation is a necessary fact of life. Without it, many of the everyday tasks that we take for granted would leave us mentally exhausted.
Skinner’s work on behaviorism has continued to influence the field of education and our conceptions of learning, through his development of “teaching machines.” Skinner saw teaching machines as a way in which teachers could put more focus on their student’s learning at the individual level. As Skinner (1984) notes, “no teacher can teach a class of 30 or 40 students and allow each to progress at an optimal speed” (p. 951). Yet this is exactly the situation that most teachers find themselves in. Having just spent the past few weeks administering surveys in elementary and middle school classes, I observed firsthand that students within the same grade level and even within the same class could have drastically different levels of understanding of reading and math concepts, as well as different levels of reading comprehension. When reading the survey aloud, it was challenging at times to find a pace that was fast enough for the majority of the class, but also did not leave several students frantically scrambling to catch up. I can only imagine that this situation is even more difficult when trying to teach concepts to those same students.
Watching the video about School of One provided a current and interesting example of how Skinner’s concept of individually paced instruction and assessment could work in a public school setting. However, how easy would it be to secure the funding and resources necessary to revamp all schools to work in this way? While some school districts might be eager to latch on to this idea, generally speaking, the slow speed at which education catches up to innovation that Skinner mentions in his article is still prevalent today, and such implementations may be impractical on a large scale.
Skinner (1984) also makes the point that the efficiency of teaching machines will allow for students to learn more in less time and perhaps even reach high school and college at earlier ages. While this is entirely possible, is it in the best interest of the student? This reminded me of an article by Pinker (2002) which discussed the role of parenting in development. In his article, Pinker (2002) notes that deprivation of stimuli is harmful, but that does not necessarily mean that extra stimulation is even better in terms of furthering childhood development (p. 387). Similarly, slowing the advancement of students for the sake of other students may not be good for their development, but advancing for the sake of advancing will not necessarily provide any extra benefits, either. Children are being encouraged (and perhaps even pressured) by society to learn things at an increasingly early age, and the onslaught of educational toys and video games being advertised to children and parents make it seem like if we do not increase the amount of learning, particularly in early childhood, that these children will be behind the curve. I do think that it is important for parents to model a balance for their kids. Just because we can fit more information into the school day does not mean that we should. While I like the idea of more efficient learning, I do not think that this should lead to earlier introduction to adulthood for children, simply because they have completed their education earlier than the previous generation. Perhaps the extra time could be used to reintroduce physical education and the arts back into school curriculum.
Another area of education where behaviorism’s influence can be seen is in the area of punishments and rewards. You can see the various ways in which behavior is reinforced and punished as a means of maintaining control and student interest when you visit different teacher’s classrooms. Each teacher uses these tools of reinforcement and punishment (both positive and negative) in different ways. The articles written by Chance (1992, 1993) and Kohn (1993) provide an interesting look at the pros and cons of the use of rewards in learning. I am inclined to agree with Chance that some sort of reinforcement is necessary in order to maintain student motivation and interest. Chance sees the use of rewards and reinforcement as a way of providing continuous feedback to the student, not necessarily in the form of grades, but certainly as a means of measuring progress towards mastery. However, all rewards are not created equal. The most effective rewards are success contingent, meaning that they reflect “success or progress toward a goal” (Chance, 1993, p. 119). Conversely, Kohn (1993) argues that rewards “can never buy us anything more than short-term compliance” (p. 122). It is difficult for me to take a definitive side on this issue. While I agree with Chance that success contingent rewards are probably the more effective type of rewards in that they reward effort and progress, I could think of examples of other types of rewards being used in the classroom as well, and can understand Kohn’s wariness of relying upon rewards too much as a means of reinforcing behaviors.
Overall, the concepts of behaviorism and habit, outlined by our activities this week and in James’
Talks to Teachers provide a glimpse of just how important education is in maintaining and changing our culture. If we subscribe to the behavioral approach to education, then we are accepting the fact that the reinforcements provided by teachers during the educational process set the stage for the types of behaviors and reactions that students will have in the future. If a student continually has negative experiences with math through their interactions with the material and the subsequent instructor reactions, then this will likely shape how they approach math for the rest of their life. Similarly, the social behaviors taught and reinforced in school will also carry that student through the transition to adult life. The role of the parent or teacher in this approach to is to be the transmitter of ideas and culture, reinforcing the “correct” response through rewards and opportunities to acquire and exercise the correct reaction.
References:
Bargh, J. A., & Chartrand, T. L. (1999). The unbearable automaticity of being.
American Psychologist, 4, 462-479.
Chance, P. (1992). The rewards of learning.
Phi Delta Kappan, 74, 200-207.
Chance, P. (1993). Sticking up for rewards.
Phi Delta Kappan, 75, 787-790.
James, W. (1962).
Talks to teachers on psychology and to students on some of life's ideals. New York: Dover. (Original work published 1899)
Kohn, A. (1993). Rewards versus learning: A response to Paul Chance.
Phi Delta Kappan, 75, 783-787.
Pinker, S. (2002). Children.
The blank slate: The modern denial of human nature. New York: Viking.
Skinner, B. F. (1984). The shame of American education.
American Psychologist, 42, 947-954.